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Hossam el-Hamalawy

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Hossam el-Hamalawy

Tag: politicization

Activists call for formation of independent trade unions

Posted on 21/06/200809/04/2021 By 3arabawy

Sarah Carr reports on the Center for Socialist Studies meeting:

Increasing violations of workers’ rights and an unrepresentative, state-controlled, trade union structure necessitate the formation of independent, worker-led, trade unions in Egypt, say labor rights activists.
This was the conclusion of a discussion held Thursday in Cairo’s Center for Socialist Studies in which labor leaders and activists discussed the role of the Egyptian Trade Union Federation in the country’s labor movement.

Activists call for formation of independent trade unions

Workers allege that the Federation — the sole trade union organization in Egypt — has continuously betrayed workers’ interests.
They say that the state-controlled organization is emasculated by wide-ranging administrative and security body interference rendering it incapable of representing workers’ interests.
“It is significant that labor strikes are not being led by trade unions whose supposed role is to negotiate workers’ demands with employers,” Nagy Rashad, a labor activist within the Schindler Factory said.

Nagui Rashad ناجي رشاد

Egypt has recently witnessed a surge of industrial action which began after the December 2006 strike in the Ghazl El-Mahalla spinning factory in the Delta town of Mahalla.
“Most of these protests were against both employers and official trade unions which are controlled by the state and businesses via state security bodies which vet nominations to the Federation,” he continued.
Rashad said that there needs to be a radical change in the treatment of industrial action.
“There needs to be no interference in the right of workers to form their own unions and to take strike action.
“Labor protests must be treated as the expression of a problem in employee-employer relations rather than a criminal act.”
Journalist Mostafa Bassiouny, who moderated the event, pointed out that since its establishment in 1957, the federation had only called for one strike in 1993.

Mostafa Bassyouni مصطفى بسيوني

“It has been 50 years since the establishment of the federation. While its establishment was the fulfilment of a long-cherished dream for Egyptian workers, an alliance developed between it and the government — to the extent that workers launched protest action against their own unions, which have consistently opposed their interests,” Rashad explained.
Rashad said that the existing trade union structure requires a radical overhaul.
“An independent trade union federation requires true union freedoms — something which currently doesn’t exist.
“In addition private sector workers must be incorporated into the federation: millions of these workers are not members of any union. Finally, the federation’s role must be reinvigorated, so that trade unions are empowered to play an effective role in negotiations,” he continued.
Muhammad Abdel Salam also underlined the importance of integrating non-unionized workers in Egypt’s new industrial zones into the trade union structure.

Mohamed Abdel Salam محمد عبد السلام

“Only 20 percent of Egypt’s workforce is integrated in the federation; it is extremely unrepresentative,” he said. “No one seems concerned to reach out to workers in the new industrial towns. There are several thousand factories in Sixth of October, Tenth of Ramadan etc, and only six trade unions.”
“The Federation doesn’t reflect the size and potential of Egypt’s workforce,” Abdel Salam explained.
He pointed to the absence of democracy within the Federation as one of its major problems.
“The Federation has been appropriated by administrative and security bodies so that it doesn’t act as a source of pressure on the government.”
“The Ministry of Manpower oversees all aspects of the Federation’s activities,” Abdel Salam said.
Lawyer Haytham Mohamadein traced the historical development of the legislation governing trade union activity.

Haitham Mohamadein هيثم محمدين

He said that trade unions developed at the turn of the century and that their existence was not initially acknowledged by the law.
Mohamadein said that it was workers themselves who militated for a law — to protect them against police attacks.
“Workers called for a law to protect against police aggression and the first law acknowledging the existence of trade unions — as charity organizations defending workers’ rights — was promulgated in 1942.”
“This law was marked by a number of flaws which continue to exist in current legislation organizing trade unions.
“It deprived agricultural workers, nurses and servants from forming unions. It gave the Ministry of Social Affairs the right to oversee and approve the formation of trade unions and there were no provisions protecting workers from dismissal where they launched labor action.”
Mohamadein said that existing trade union legislation violates the Egyptian constitution by imposing conditions making trade union activity virtually impossible.
“The constitution gives workers the right to form unions: it doesn’t mention interference by administrative bodies in trade unions, nor restrict the number of unions in one workplace,”
“Existing law violates international instruments ratified by Egypt.”
Mohamadein made reference to Law 12, which organizes trade union activity and which was drafted by Cairo University professor Ahmad Hassan El-Borei.
Mohamadein said that collective bargaining is a sine qua non of Law 12.
“Five years after this law was promulgated El-Borei said that it required amendment. He said that the application of its main aim in practice had been rendered impossible because its central element – collective bargaining – no longer exists.
“When asked why it no longer exists, El-Borei said that the existing trade union structure doesn’t permit true collective bargaining in the name of workers — Law 12 is therefore based on a principle which doesn’t exist.”
Mohamadein emphasized that international law gives workers the right to organize themselves in independent trade unions.
“These instruments give the right to workers to form unions themselves, without prior permission and without administrative interference or supervision. They are also allowed to form more than one union within a single profession.”
“The formation of independent trade unions is a violation of neither international nor domestic law,” he said.
Kamal Abo Eita — one of the leaders of the historic December 2007 real estate tax collectors’ strike which workers won after a 10-day sit-in outside the Finance Ministry — called on workers to send letters notifying their federation trade union and employer of their resignation from the federation, as a prelude to the establishment of independent trade unions.

Kamal Abu Eita كمال أبو عيطة

He pointed out that Egypt was recently voted number seven in the International Labor Organization’s blacklist of the 10 worst violators of workers’ rights.
Abo Eita attributed this to the absence of plurality within the federation, and its heavy infiltration by state security bodies — who he told the seminar, take part in labor negotiations.
“Does the federation deserve LE 2 of my wages every month? I say it doesn’t,” Abo Eita said.

“That wasn’t a time of demonstrations, but now everyone is either protesting or on strike except you, why?”

Posted on 23/05/200802/01/2021 By 3arabawy

I obviously have HUEG disagreements with the President of the (timid, coopted) Arab Writers’ Union and Editor-in-Chief of state-owned Al-Ahram Hebdo Muhammad Salmawy and his lenient position vis a vis the asshole dictator President Mubarak. But I still want to post those paragraphs from a conversation he had with a young journalist. Another anecdote for the radical shift among the public in general and how the industrial workers are inspiring the middle classes and white collars to action:

A young journalist at one of those up-and-coming weeklies came up to me the other day and asked with serious concern: “Mr Muhammad, where is the Writers’ Union? Why haven’t we heard of any sit-ins, demonstrations, or protests organized by it? Don’t you have any demands from the government?”
He then took out a copy of another newspaper and pointed to a big reportage.
“As you can see in this report, last month alone there were seven sit-ins, five demonstrations and protests, and three strike threats, but none of them involving the Writers’ Union. What on earth has happened to the union?”
“Had you ever heard of sit-ins, protests or strikes by writers before?” I asked.
“That wasn’t a time of demonstrations, but now everyone is either protesting or on strike except you, why?” he said.

When I read this conversation, I also remembered this.

Egyptian Strikes: More than bread and butter

Posted on 07/05/200807/01/2021 By 3arabawy

My feature on the labor movement, in the British Socialist Review, is now available online:

The mass demonstrations and strikes that have swept Egypt over the last year have transformed the opposition movement. For decades Egyptians lived in fear of the regime – opposition activists were rounded up, imprisoned and tortured, and strikers gunned down – now this has changed. The two days of rioting in the textile mill town of Mahalla al-Kubra recently have shaken the regime. The Mahalla intifada – as it is now called – is part of a wider phenomenon engulfing the country. We are living in an era of growing militancy.
Today’s protests have their roots in the movement in solidarity with the second Palestinian Intifada that erupted in 2000. This triggered the biggest demonstrations in the capital, Cairo, and nationally, since the 1977 bread riots. That rebellion was brutally crushed, but its shadow continues to haunt the US backed regime of Hosni Mubarak. Young students were at the heart of the pro-Palestinian demonstrations. One of the slogans raised during the period was “The road to Jerusalem passes through Cairo.” These protests spilled over into protests against the regime. People started to ask, “Why is our government not doing enough to help Palestinians? Why is the regime supplying energy to Israel?” (Egypt is Israel’s main gas supplier.)
These small protests then developed into an anti Iraq war movement that resulted in two days of mass protests of up to 50,000 in Cairo during 2003. Protesters burned pictures of Mubarak alongside those of Western flags. The government responded with mass arrests. The anti-war protests broke the taboo surrounding criticisms of the regime. Workers were suffering in the factories, but also seeing television pictures of the protests in downtown Cairo. This has had a revolutionising impact on people’s psyche and given them more confidence to move later.
Everything changed on 7 December 2006. Egypt’s prime minister Ahmad Nazif – a neoliberal and big supporter of structural adjustment programmes – promised public sector workers a bonus to cover rising prices of basic commodities. When the government stalled payment of these bonuses, workers in Mahalla struck for three days demanding he make good his promise. The majority of garment workers in the company are women. They shamed the men into action and together they occupied the factory. The police attempted to put the factory under siege, but failed to break the strike. The victory in Mahalla triggered the biggest and most sustained wave of strikes in Egypt since the end of the Second World War. Mahalla always sets the tone for working class politics in Egypt. If Mahalla is on the rise the labor movement will be on the rise. If it loses this means a downturn in the movement.

And here’s a link to another feature in the US International Socialist Review. Spread the word (and the image) shabab.

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