The head of the Egyptian Wrestling Federation, Maj. Gen. Mohamed Mahmoud assured the public on Friday that the Egyptian ambassador and Sports Minister are trying to secure Sayed’s release. Still, he sadly expressed that, unlike Egypt, you could not get someone out of detention in France using connections! The wrestler was eventually released the following day.

Yet, the story had already taken an even more Orwellian turn. The Egyptian Olympic officials declared they’d investigate Sayed, and the Egyptian Olympic Values Committee will look into his case. Who runs this “values committee”? It is Maj. Gen. Sherif el-Komaty, a former State Security Police [SS] officer accused by dissidents of torture, including one infamous case in 2006 when a leftist blogger accused Komaty of raping him in custody.

At the beginning of the 2000s, Komaty (or Qamati) worked for the SS Counter-Communism Bureau (Maktab Mukāfaḥit al-Šīūʿiyya), which is tasked with monitoring and cracking down on leftists and human rights organizations (whose ranks are filled with left-leaning or former communist activists). His pseudonym at the time was “Sherif el-Damati.”

I first spotted Komaty as early as 2003, when he began showing up for pro-Palestine and anti-Iraq war protests in downtown Cairo, in the company of the infamous torturer SS Lt. Colonel Waleed el-Dessouqi, both seen below in the picture I took in a Palestine solidarity protest, 28 September 2003.

Komaty was one of the SS officers involved in the crackdown and trial of Revolutionary Socialist activists in 2003-4. At the time, he held the rank of SS Captain. Over the following years, he ritualistically attended our Kefaya protests in downtown Cairo, monitoring activists with his cold, glassy eyes, together with other infamous SS officers like Ahmad el-Azzazi and Amr Mohsen, seen in the picture below.

During the 2006 “Cairo Spring,” when thousands of Egyptians took to the streets in solidarity with reformist judges, Komaty participated in the crackdown. On 25 May 2006, Komaty, with the help of the police force of Qasr el-Nil Station, kidnapped and brutally tortured left-wing blogger Mohamed el-Sharqawi. Sharqawi accused Komaty of raping him in custody. Komaty was never held accountable despite repeated calls from local and international rights watchdogs.

Komaty continued to attend and monitor leftist protests throughout 2007, where I repeatedly spotted and photographed him.

Then he suddenly disappeared. He could be seen no longer in protests. I don’t know which posts he held in the following years, but at least as of 2008, Komaty was still part of the SS and held the rank of Major, according to one of his relatives’ obituary published in Al-Ahram.

Komaty’s father, Mahdi, worked for the State Radio & TV in Maspero and was a staunch supporter of the Mubarak regime. Following the 2011 revolution, students at the institute where he taught organized protests demanding his removal and accused him of abusive treatment against the students and the employees and occasionally using his son’s SS connections to threaten them.

In recent years, I came across news of Komaty, this time holding the rank of Brigadier General and running the rowing team at the elite Maadi Sports Club. As of 2023, he was (and still is) the vice president of the Egyptian Rowing Federation.

Now, in 2024, Komaty has been promoted to the rank of Major General and entrusted by the regime with overseeing the “values” of the country’s Olympic athletes and will lead an investigation into a sexual assault by one of its top wrestlers.

Zamalek’s former goal keeper leading the chants in Tahrir Square against the regime.

During an ordinary basketball game in Alexandria between Ettihad and Gezeera, the fans of Ettihad starting shouting “Tunisia! Tunisia!” when clashes broke out between them and the police following the arrest of one of the fans.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rWJqwGj6u94

Egypt sent in riot police to quash street protests after a soccer loss to Algeria, but the state’s own rantings against Algiers suggest Cairo may have welcomed the diversion of discontent to a foreign target.
Far from quelling public anger over talk of Algerian hooliganism after match-day scuffles, Egypt summoned Algeria’s envoy and recalled its own. President Hosni Mubarak pledged to protect citizens abroad to applause in parliament.
Egyptians, angry at Algerian conduct after the decisive 1-0 loss, smashed shop windows, overturned cars and hurled stones near Algeria’s embassy in Cairo — a rare sight in Egypt where security forces are usually swifter to crush public dissent.
“The government has been inciting in a very crazy manner these anti-Algerian feelings,” Hossam el-Hamalawy, a blogger who often criticises the government, said of protests that erupted after Wednesday’s loss dashed Egypt’s World Cup hopes.
“The easiest way to distract the attention of the public, both in Egypt and in Algeria, is to do a little bit of flag waving,” Hamalawy said. “Everybody will start forgetting about the unemployment and the economic turmoil we are in.”
Egypt could use the diversion, several analysts said.
The most populous Arab country, where a fifth of the 77 million people live on less than $1 a day, appears to be slowly emerging from the weight of the global financial crisis, with economic growth expected to hit 5 percent in 2010.
But inflation has resumed its skyward creep and now exceeds 13 percent, and official unemployment is over 9 percent. Fiscal reforms praised by investors are cursed by poorer Egyptians who have seen scant material improvement in their lot.
Egypt is also approaching a presidential vote in 2011 amid mounting speculation over who will succeed 81-year-old Mubarak, who has given no indication he will step down when his current term ends. His son Gamal is widely tipped as a likely successor.

There’s nothing like the threat of war to mobilize the support of a nation. So perhaps it’s not surprising that posturing over a soccer war with Algeria may be the most popular move the thoroughly unpopular Egyptian President, Hosni Mubarak, has made in a long time.
On Nov. 14 and again on Nov. 18, Egypt went head to head with its archrival Algeria in an intense bid for a spot at next year’s World Cup in South Africa. It was the first time the two had played a World Cup qualifying match in 20 years, and in the weeks leading up to the first game and the days that followed, everyone from the Egyptian regime to local industries was busy ratcheting up support for the home team.
“[Mubarak] gave the game a sort of political character,” says Mustapha al-Sayyid, a political scientist at Cairo University. “Official newspapers depicted the encounter between the two teams as something very decisive, very important.”
It worked. In the aftermath, Egyptian and foreign observers alike marveled at a level of nationalist fervor and mass mobilization rarely seen before, and at a time when Mubarak, 81, is facing a rising tide of domestic dissent. On the night of the first game, which Egypt won, thousands of Egyptians flooded into the main thoroughfares of their capital, screaming, dancing and wreaking havoc. After the second game in Khartoum, in which Egypt lost its shot at the World Cup, the emphasis shifted to seeking revenge: hundreds amassed in front of the Algerian embassy in Cairo, burning Algerian flags, and eventually clashing with scores of riot police.
Even when the energy took a dark turn, the wave of emotion may have still served the interests of the 27-year-old Egyptian regime. “Football is the opium of the people,” says Hossam el-Hamalawy, a prominent Egyptian blogger, journalist and activist. “Both Egypt and Algeria have been going through severe economic turmoil recently, in addition to political crises. What better way to divert the people’s attention than a football war?”
Of course, he adds, attention doesn’t stay diverted forever. “You cannot keep fooling people with football. People at the end of the day — even after trashing the Algerian embassy — are still going to go home on empty stomachs. The economic turmoil is still there,” Hamalawy says.
And now there’s soccer-related turmoil to cope with. Dozens of Algerian and Egyptian fans were injured in assaults and clashes following the Nov. 14 match. Sudan and Algeria have accused the Egyptian press of unfair treatment. And in a particularly humiliating blow, the sport’s governing body FIFA launched formal disciplinary procedures against the Egyptian Football Association last week, in response to an attack by Egyptian fans on the Algerian team bus ahead of the Nov. 14 match.
The Egyptian Foreign Ministry summoned the Algerian ambassador in Cairo last week to hear complaints about violence against Egyptians and Egyptian businesses in Algiers; and Algeria slapped Egyptian telecommunications giant Orascom Telecom with a $596.6 million bill for outstanding taxes, sending Orascom shares — a popular Middle East stock — tumbling. On Nov. 19, Egypt recalled its ambassador to Algeria “for consultations.”
In a televised statement to parliament over the weekend, Mubarak said, “Egypt will not tolerate those who hurt the dignity of its sons” — a statement that drew praise from the Egyptian public. But at the same time, Mubarak also seemed to be calculating his retreat. “We don’t want to be drawn into compulsive actions,” he added.
Analysts say it’s unlikely that this North Africa soccer war could result in a lasting diplomatic split. But no one seemed to think it would go this far to begin with.
“My view is that the regime was planning to continue whipping up hysteria, and to try to retaliate diplomatically against Algeria in international and Arab circles — whether in the Arab League, or FIFA or the North African Football Association — to keep scoring local points,” says Hamalawy. “But I guess they reached the conclusion yesterday that they’re not really going anywhere with this, since most of the responses from other Arab states, international states and FIFA are like, ‘Egypt, please grow up.'”
Had Egypt won its place in the World Cup, soccer pride might have been a boost to a regime under fire. Unrequited, it may ultimately serve to undermine it.